The so-called “crisis in democracy” in ASEAN as manifested by the continuing political unrest in major ASEAN members has now reached a very alarming point. One need not be a doctor to say that ASEAN is now suffering from a serious illness. The current political crises now besetting some ASEAN member states will make us conclude that this is not a simple case of cough or fever, but symptoms of a much serious disease for ASEAN.
The so-called “crisis in democracy” in ASEAN as manifested by the continuing political unrest in major ASEAN members has now reached a very alarming point. One need not be a doctor to say that ASEAN is now suffering from a serious illness. The current political crises now besetting some ASEAN member states will make us conclude that this is not a simple case of cough or fever, but symptoms of a much serious disease for ASEAN.
Philippine Presidency Under Question
Gloria Macapagal Arroyo’s mandate as president continues to be under question by the political opposition, the church and by varied civil society groups. The political crisis in the Philippines started after alleged massive electoral fraud in 2004 involving GMA and an official of the Commission on Elections. Since then, street protests calling for the ouster of Arroyo from power became a daily political event. There were also attempts by elements in the military to start pocket mutinies
leading to a full-blown coup d’ etat, but the government managed to abort these efforts up to now.
Militant organizations claim that GMA should be ousted not solely because of the alleged recording of her conversations with a top-ranking election official, Virgilio Garcillano, during the election period, but also because of her poor track record since she assumed the presidency in 2001. They cite economic troubles like the skyrocketing prices of basic commodities and fuel, the newly-imposed 10% Value Added Tax which puts the burden on the ordinary consumer, low wages and the lack of jobs
as examples that life has become harder under the Arroyo regime compared to the past governments.
But GMA’s style of dealing with her growing number of critics has also come under question. The issuance of Executive Order 464 that prevents government officials from testifying or even appearing in congressional inquiries without the approval of the president and the implementation of the Presidential Proclamation 1017 placing the Philippines under a “state of national emergency” has raised fears of a growing militarism in the administration. Critics are saying GMA is becoming another Ferdinand Marcos, who put the country under Martial Law in the 1970s. People say that GMA is doing a Marcos by declaring PP 1017 ironically on the anniversary of the EDSA 1 “people power” revolution which ousted the Marcos dictatorship.
Under PP 1017, activists, media personalities and militant lawmakers critical to the GMA regime were arrested and detained. Street demonstrations were dispersed violently by police and people opposing the regime were tagged as de-stabilizers or enemies of the state. PP 1017 also threatens the freedom of the press especially media critical of the Arroyo government.
Legitimacy in power under question, a growing number of human rights violations, corruption cases, and Filipino people living in extreme poverty are problems leading to another question: Is the Philippines ready for another people power uprising or regime change?
Thai Premier Under Fire
In Thailand are also similar scenes of popular dissent and intense political pressures on the government. Following a series of graft allegations against him and his family, the Thai Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra has been pushed to resign from his office. For the past month, aside from usual bazaars that commonly attract the shopping tourists, demonstrations in Bangkok have become a common scene. Led by Sondhi Limthongkul, a businessman-turned-political opponent of Thaksin, some 60,000 anti-Thaksin protesters gathered in Bangkok’s Royal Plaza on Feb 26 and March 5 and demanded the resignation of their Prime Minister. But Thaksin is ignoring this and even dismissed protesters as “few stupid people”.
Analysts say that there are valid reasons why Thaksin must resign. One of those reasons involves the issue of human rights violations. Fresh in the memory of the international community was the tragedy of October 2004 when 78 Muslims from the Muslim-dominated provinces in South Thailand died in police custody after being arrested. This happened as a result of the Thaksin government’s military response to instability.
The latest allegations pertain on the sale by Thaksin’s family of their controlling stake in telecoms conglomerate Shin Corp. for $1.87 billion. Reportedly, the stake is being sold to a group led by the Singapore government’s investment arm, Temasek Holdings. Thai regulators probed the deal for any violations, including possible insider trading.
Now Thaksin is calling for a snap election, obviously to seek a new mandate and ease out of the political pressures being exerted on him, although the opposition is not biting. The Prime Minister also said that he will vacate his office if the King wishes it. Will there be royal intervention to save the Thaksin leadership? Let’s wait if Thaksin can
survive this political storm.
Burmese Junta Remains Hard-Nosed
More than any member state of the ASEAN, it is Burma that never fails to drag the regional grouping in international shame on a regular basis. Until now, the State Peace and Development Council remains insensitive to the declarations of the international community to reforms inside Burma. Despite repeated resolutions of various UN bodies and sanctions from powerful states like the EU and United States, the junta still remains cocooned in its own world.
The regime, which mastered the art of self-isolation while ruling for decades under a dubious leadership, is surviving because of the remaining support of some states that consider economic ties more precious than the protection of human rights and civil liberties in Burma.
For all these political tragedies in Burma, the ASEAN as a body remain toothless to craft a forthright approach. The “ASEAN Way” has become a license to the junta to continue violating the human rights of its own people. The “ASEAN Way”, inspired by the empty slogan of “constructive engagement policy”, is still being used as a shield to protect the
illegitimate leaders of SPDC.
Yes, there were some strong pronouncements by some ASEAN leaders regarding the political situation in Burma, but the ASEAN as a bloc is not registering its real position on the Burma question as the group still adheres to its “non-interference policy.”
Recently, the generals transferred the seat of power from Rangoon to the innermost area of Pyinmana. Pyinmana is a jungle, described by many Burmese journalists as a remote area where it is difficult to obtain water or electricity. Analysts say that the move was a byproduct of junta’s extreme paranoia; Rangoon to them is the haven of “destructive elements”. Others say that the transfer to Pyinmana was the idea of Burmese Senior General Tan Shwe after his astrologers advised him to do so.
Presently in Rangoon, there are reports of anti-regime leaflets that are being distributed by young people who aim to revive the spirit of the August 1988 uprising in Burma. But there are fears that another attempt to restage a similar uprising will result in the deaths of more youths, judging from the hardline policy being continued by the generals .
Quo Vadis, ASEAN?
With all these political turmoil happening, one cannot help but ask: Where is the role of the ASEAN as a regional grouping in all these problems? What help can it extend to resolve the political crises inside the territories of its member states? Is there any mechanism in place for the ASEAN to take some necessary action?
Or will the ASEAN again just shrug its shoulders and stick to its non-interference policy?
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